To talk about the particular crimes of the ANC in order to keep score has no utility whatsoever. The scale is so vast and so deep and so bereft of human compassion that it compares unfavourably with late Soviet Europe. The important details to eye are the structural habits of power and patronage. The system as it exists is a nihilistic totalitarian gang with a belief in manifest destiny, slowly cutting down every tree in the forest after sucking them dry with dodder weeds. Much like Zimbabwe however, the media landscape is dominated by a chorus of hand-wringing liberals making anxious noises about material conditions and “corruption”.
But the corruption is not a perversion of the system – it is the system. The wave of ungovernability and entropy is not a bug, it is a feature – as more of the formal economy is destroyed, the informal and opaque use of force, mob violence and fraud becomes the predominant mode of political power, and this is controlled in virtual monopoly by the ANC. The ANC functions by patronage, intimidation and violent crime – it is the essential model of the ANC since the 1970s, not that they were innocent before then.
The logic of the ANC’s power is to make all territory outside their control ungovernable and uninhabitable, except on its terms. It is a well-recognised slogan, still used today – “make this institution ungovernable”. It is what the Western dissident right calls “anarcho-tyranny”. As anybody who has read the history of the People’s War knows, the ANC has been evil for as long as living memory. They built an empire of terror, theft and vandalism, and merely called truce for 25 years to allow the balance of forces in the economy to tip in their favour.
The ANC justifies a critical focus on the minorities’ precarious prosperity by deferring to the egalitarianism and white-man’s-burden philosophy of pity-based progressivism and the histrionics of race-baiting bullshit, relentlessly establishing a racial hierarchy in which no black person is morally culpable for even the greatest sins, but whites must be held responsible for the sins of all. By defending the moral and ideological claims of the ANC – land reform is necessary and inevitable, crime is the fault of law-abiding citizens who haven’t given their pound of flesh, white people are fundamentally morally inferior – the liberal journalists and their lazy but spiteful radical colleagues refuse to address their complicity in the oceans of blood and suffering which drench the country.
Those whose brains are rotting from reading too much ANC-friendly news are just as bad – they will insist that “we must do x”. When one follows the soap-opera of daily politics, there is always a “good” and “bad” side set up by the micronarrative, which serves to invest one in rival loyalties internal to the party system, and seek one’s hope there. There is no “we”. The ANC is everyone’s enemy; an occupying Soviet colonial force with its head cut off. Not once have they committed any act in national service, but only out of the need to react to a balance of forces. I challenge anybody to find a credible black leader – with any influence; DA members don’t count – who holds racial hatred or discrimination to be morally wrong, who holds the use of race-based violence to be wrong, who holds property rights, or any rights of any kind, apply to non-blacks.
In fact, I would go as far as to say that no black politician even gives a damn about the crime and poverty among black communities either – I recall the quote by former minister Charles Nqakula, that if one dislikes the warzone-level homicide fatalities, one should leave. Their housing policy has shifted from the building of social housing to a sinister three-faceted strategy of land invasion. Shadow ANC ward councilors will allocate land in areas held by opposition, for use by shack-dwellers, who will be taxed by a network of violent extortion rackets tied to the party’s local structures, and bus in thousands upon thousands of unemployed and unemployable people into minority areas to dilute the demographics and voting intentions, treating the Western Cape like their own little Tibet. Thirdly, this can be used to besiege desired properties, which are bought at fire-sale prices, after which the poor black settlers can be removed by private security.
Corruption, mass theft of rail, unending cycles of political violence and assassination. It is a horse beaten to mincemeat by the slow thud of regular news articles. We were told that the new dawn of Ramaphosa’s presidency would usher in a new age of accountability. But while he has set about unplugging Zuma and his allies like Ace Magashule from the teat of power, attacking them with a finally unshackled prosecutions service delighted to finally be able to do their job, he is in fact merely consolidating his total control of the party. Ramaphosa’s cabinet has overshadowed every single previous era of corruption by a wave of looting so massive that it dwarfs the most pessimistic expectations, using the national state of emergency to waive public expenditure procedures.
And what was Cyril supposed to be? The communist who threw thousands of his loyal followers as Bisho’s border guard machine gun nests and smiled triumphantly over their corpses to declare a media victory. A man who urged police to destroy any wildcat strikers in Marikana who broke ranks from the corrupt neopatrimonial equilibrium in the Platinum Belt where his lifelong benefactors reside. A man who credibly can be thought to indulge in child prostitution (see this leaked Stratfor report and these later corroborative articles). This is the man the global elites chose to reform South Africa, who was plastered on the face of The Economist, which called for supporting the ANC, an openly racist, socialist organisation, as the hope for liberalism. All because the man favours using lawfare against political rivals and pushing for open borders – finalising the all-Africa passport this year.
We are told in our communities that we must trust Ramaphosa’s plan. But his plan, as he publicly announced, is to implement the Second Phase of the National Democratic Revolution, and that only means one thing – the slow march to crush and expunge minorities (see James Myburgh’s great essay, Singapore Revisited). Ramaphosa’s skill is in leveraging international support for this by justifying it in terms of the great global governance programs of our day – the proposals for the digital police state of the 4IR; the wealth-levelling and central-planning mandate of SDG 10; the support for Chinese colonisation (dedicated Mandarin-speaking police forces, enclave cities, Confucius Institutes, Chinese inspections of our military).
And now, on top of all this, the right to bear arms in self defence is about to be stripped away. In this heated environment, little can survive for long. But a frank conversation with any black radical or ANC mitlaufer will elicit a remarkable response if one brings up black suffering as a result of destructive economic policies. Blacks already live in squalor and starvation, what difference will it make? It is perceived that all deprivation is equal, as if there is no difference between rural welfare dependents eating pap and tomatoes, and the Haitian serfs wasting away eating mud. As the Architect put it in The Matrix Reloaded, “there are levels of survival we are prepared to accept”.
Unlike the wild and romantic fantasies of the white right, who are hoping that in some moment of reckoning, shock and awe will trigger a collective uprising, the reality is that the wheel will simply advance, and crush the insects slowly as they crawl desperately forward to eke out the sun. Functionally the deprivation of the right to self-defence, the covert support for land seizures, the protection of the Cape gangs, the destruction of the Ingonyama Trust, and the use of state-driven land expropriation, are all one plan. The crushing of all opposition to a totalitarian black supremacist empire, a blood- and shit-smeared Bantu Imperialism. The slow march to utopia strides through an endless bloody marsh, never seeming too deep at first, but rising ever higher as time marches on.
The media defend every footstep in the way. They defended Zimbabwe every step of the way too, talking about “reform” as if that was something that could happen from within if we just pleaded with enough theatrical compassion. Even after the military subordinates of ZANU-PF had violently expelled the white farmers, and virtually everything not nailed down was looted, the media praised the courts for their independence and said not to worry, for if Mugabe ever became a real tyrant they would stop him, as if the Gukuruhundi had not already happened, and gone unpunished.
In retrospect, the fall of South Africa to Zimbabwefication was inevitable. It certainly was foreseeable, by millions of people, hundreds of writers, dozens of public intellectuals – all smeared as reactionary or racist. But now the worst and most dismal nightmare prophecies of the far right have all come true – South Africa has sunk into the same universal quagmire besetting the rest of the sub-Sahara (Botswana and Rwanda excepted), and all self-inflicted. And the West is beginning to learn the same lessons, imbibing comparable philosophies, blinding them with prejudice against any systemic criticisms, whether of their own system or ours. Criticism (in the sense of Critical Theory) has become the system, in a regime of thieving rebellocrats.
For years now, the liberal media in the United States has been legitimising the notion in both the mainland and the overseas territories they control that owning guns is morally wrong. At the same time, they have been systematically attacking all the institutional norms which empower police to provide adequate law enforcement. Finally, in 2020, their party-NGO complex mobilised hundreds of thousands of ideological confederates to torch, loot and murder their way through major cities to intimidate their political opponents in the leadup to an important election campaign. The subsequent crime wave is not abating, as police have been increasingly stripped of their social capacity to enforce the law against nonwhite criminals.
The use of South Africa as a model for regime consolidation against the illusory spectre of “white supremacy” is quite popular in the United States establishment, and the key foundation of the current regime’s thinking is largely based on following the ANC’s governance policy following their ascension to central power – cadre deployment and the TRC. Because of the open racism of the previous regime, it was easy for the ANC to justify a total purge of the civil service, no matter how essential the expertise and competence of those employees were to the effective functioning of state institutions. Biden’s admin has now engaged in a massive totalitarian purge of all ideological opposition in all branches in government, hunting for anybody who shows the tell-tale signs of having voted Republican. This will not end well.
By 1998, the vast majority of qualified engineers, bureaucrats and legal experts had been purged, in favour of the cadre deployment program which would soon see the complete takeover of the state by the ruling party and its subsumption into inner-party factionalism and brazen looting. In the meantime, the thin veneer of legal protections afforded by the constitution has allowed minorities and the marginalised poor blacks to hold onto the shreds of their vital interests by a slow rearguard action in the courts, the last institution to hold out against ANC power. But like the liberal commentators on Zimbabwe, the intelligentsia are defending defend the system until the bitter end, gesturing to those remaining judges who issue impotent judgements into the moral vacuum of anarcho-tyranny as if they constitute a serious force.
In our country, we have one of the highest homicide rates in the world. People hardly report crimes anymore, and even just counting those that are reported, the figures are astronomical. Official figures alone put the amount of homicides since the ANC took power (not to mention the tens of thousands they massacred to gain monopoly over the liberation movement) at over half a million, which outstrips the casualties in the Iraq war and the Afghan war combined.
Those who can afford private security must pay exorbitant fees on top of one of the most lopsided and overbearing tax regimes in the world, just to be safe in their homes, since as everyone knows, virtually no policeman will come to your aid under any practical circumstances unless you have their private number or are politically connected. They do not appear on the streets, and the correctional services are understaffed, lazy and incompetent. Those who can’t afford private protection, or are remote enough in the countryside, must rely on the use of firearms, neighbourhood watches and vigilante justice for self-defence, or else live at the mercy of whatever wild-eyed youth choses to storm their barbed fortresses.
And yet here at last, the ANC intend to “do something” – they intend to take away the right for legal firearms owners to defend themselves. There are no plans whatsoever for the enforcement of current laws against illegal owners. There is only the facilitation of the increase of kinetic energy between lead and flesh, turning the temperature up until nothing but a roiling pot of blood-drenched despair tears apart the final fragments of civil society.
The state has no control over firearms. None whatsoever. Their evidence management system has been entirely offline for nearly a year now, and no crimes can be solved. Whole weapons caches go missing on a weekly basis, as police regularly engage in the arms trade (google Robert McBride too see how long this has been so), and guns can be bought illegally and for a low price at any chop shop in the right neighbourhood. There is no capacity or intent to confiscate these firearms, those which are wreaking an unrelenting, if slow-burning holocaust on the people of this country. In fact, the central government has, since 2011, made it a matter of priority to protect violent gangs in minority areas, in order to ensure that these regions remain ungovernable.
For farmers in rural areas, who have been under siege for decades, accruing the highest violent mortality rate of any demographic aside from the Coloured communities living under ANC-aligned gang occupation, they face removal of their last line of defence against the mass, violent, informal land seizure campaign by the ANC’s ground forces in the EFF and other decentralised saamlopers.
I almost never talk about farm murders. Anyone who has seen my blog knows that I have felt no need to so far. All one would have to do is consult Afriforum for adequate details. It is a social reality so obvious and well-documented that only the most spiteful or cowardly could deny it. It is the central issue concerning the Afrikaner community – the survival of their heartland identity and their families. But this is no longer an isolated issue. As should have become clear from the EFF’s shift of focus to urban areas over the last year, or the cultural revolution which has swept institutes of higher education (now bleeding into the high schools) the notion of urban whites and other minorities as morally justifiable targets of violence is becoming ever more apparent.
The seizure of land is happening more swiftly and with more central coordination than before, the destruction of independent voices within the governing complex is growing more intense, and the level of coordination between the EFF and their parent party has been growing ever deeper, with the finance minister singing their praises on a daily basis. The threatening trial runs of the military occupation of the Cape that have been occurring for the past few years should sound a warning that whites are not the only minority whom they plan to subjugate. The reforms of the electoral system, which serve to remove all serious checks and balances on rampant voter fraud, all come on the back of a collapsing voter base who increasingly recognise the ANC for the violent predatory frauds they are.
At this stage, to remove the only defence private citizens have against the vast torrent of blood seeping into their lives is an act of war: it serves to strip bare the very last defences that any ordinary person has. Its timing is also suspect. In the last month, Michael Whitfield’s plans for reinstating the old commando system, by incorporation the Farm Watch Organisations and neighbourhood watches into the central security committees of the municipalities they run, relies on the citizens’ capacity to wield firearms in self-defence. The firearm ban will impact private security companies too, leaving only the bloated, incompetent and predatory police force. This means that there will be nowhere any citizen can turn for security or justice.
Once such a bill is passed, it is broadly recognised that the confiscation of firearms will not occur overnight – the government is not capable. But what it will mean is that anybody who defends themselves against violent intruders will be imprisoned. This is a tyrannical imposition of chaos on the orderly, to hold down the nation and invite predators to tear at its entrails. The law-abiding middle class will be exposed to a criminal class of young men who will immediately realise that they no longer need to fear the consequences of invading a farm or a suburban residence. The state of persistent terror in which rural whites live will be compounded by the firm knowledge that should the farmers resist violent extralegal dispossession or violence, the police will prosecute the victims, not the perpetrators. It functions as a grand signal, saying, “come and get it”.
This comes on the back of a broad national push for Zimbabwean style expropriation of property, only more ambitious, reaching into urban land, liquid property, the nationalisation of all intellectual property, and the continuing national-socialist attacks on minority private enterprise and employment we call BEE. The state has made no meaningful attempt to hand over the vast tracts of farmland it possesses, and has officially formalised its previously informal policy of providing plots for shacks instead of built social housing, the standards for which have been falling as an increasing portion of every budget is stolen, and skilled labour evaporates. Squatters rights are so extreme that until the government lifts the permanent state of emergency conditions (remember PW Botha’s SoE), no property owner can legally remove any squatter from his land, nor even the construction materials they dump on-site. ANC councillors seize buildings to cripple opposition run wards, like my own town where they have occupied the local homeless shelter to force a homelessness crisis onto the town.
The small units the DA controls in their drive for police decentralisation (the “LEAP” program) are too little and too late. What is required for the Cape, is to seize control of policing in the province in toto, and to have a stable network of cooperation between private and voluntary security organisations to crush criminal networks and roving bandits where they are. For the rest of the country, the requisite self-protection is relying on the efforts of vigilante groups, which now constitute 3% of the population, 5% in the Eastern Cape. Informal commando systems and vigilante crews really are the only answer.
Our ports are the worst in the world, our state is so bankrupted by theft that failure to pay PR fees resulted in a court attaching the ANC headquarters Luthuli House as compensation. The rails are stripped for scrap, the trains in the Cape are burned out of spite, rolling blackouts are as regular as tropical rain, and the education system is being driven under so hard and fast that our childrens’ future could not be more terminally bleak under ANC rule if lead enemas and clumsy cranial bludgeonings became mandatory before each class.
We cannot hope for reform, because the majority of the black middle class are dependent on the state for their survival. These bureaucrats who do nothing productive or valuable, are no more than Vogons with a model C twang. No, what is required is that every man woman and child declares the revolutionary state its enemy, because it is. Steenhuisen’s DA may believe that a coalition government would give some hope, but to anybody who has been paying attention to the shape of coalition politics in Nelson Mandela Bay, the ruling party and their allies’ determination to cripple any effective government should stifle any hopes of such a path.
I do not support Cape independence because I have some romantic notion about what it will mean, though it does certainly present some glittering opportunities for prosperity and cultural achievement. I support it, and any efforts to devolve power to independent institutions and organisations, whether by Afriforum or the National Taxpayers’ Union, even the reactionary black nationalism of the “put SA first” movement if necessary, because the continued inexorable wave of blood and raw sewage is killing everyone, and must be put to an end.
And I will pursue that end, perhaps not by any means available, but certainly by any means necessary.